Posted by
DaveC on Tuesday, August 08, 2006 1:32:22 PM
8 August 2006
War is the continuation of politics
by other means. Societies are political entities.
Societies create armed forces as
tools to implement their political objectives – offensive
and defensive. Simply, an army is a
policy tool, not a policy maker.
Killing an army, uniformed or not,
does not destroy the politics or the processes through
which policy is created. Failure to
destroy, or to cause the general collapse of the
opponent's society is the failure
of the political goals for which the war was fought.
Wars are won only by inducing
inconvenience to an enemy (American Revolution, War
of 1812, Vietnam, etc.) or by destroying the
enemy (Civil War, WWII). Creating a cease
fire every other week, worrying
about disarming – rather than utterly destroying – a foe,
concerning oneself with “hearts and
minds,” is working the inconvenience side of the
equation.
Limited war, from Korea to Vietnam
(French and American experiences) to Iraq, never
has worked for modern countries. A
non-Western, non-civilized country cannot be
inconvenienced to the levels that
can a modern industrial society with smaller families,
more distractions and a Western
liberal outlook on life and its value.
If the enemy cannot be
inconvenienced to the point of withdrawing from the battle, either
that enemy must be destroyed or
collapsed – or we do not believe in our policy goals to
the extent that we should be
willing to go to war, even in defense of those policies. No
third option exists.
If we do not believe in our policy
goals, the sacrifice of the lives of our soldiers is
immoral. If we do believe in our
policy goals then the enemy societies must be collapsed
–
they must be defeated, not just have their policy tools, their military forces, run
off an inconvenient battlefield to lick their wounds and rearm.
WWI is an excellent example. The
German army never was defeated on the field of
battle, its cities and towns were
not occupied. They thought they had acceded to Wilson's
14 points and were angered and
frustrated to learn that they inadvertently had surrendered
to the Allies. The general German
misperception that they had not been defeated - and the
fact that the German society in
truth had not - led to the resumption of hostilities a
generation later.
In WWII Allied leaders understood
this lesson. The result was absolutely no question that
the enemy polities and societies
had been destroyed and caused to collapse. The countries
were occupied. The military tool
was destroyed, yes, but the war was won- and its
political goals achieved - through
the general destruction of the enemy societies in
Cologne,
Berlin, Dresden,
Tokyo, Hiroshima,
Nagasaki, etc. And many more civilians lost their lives in the Tokyo firebombings than in either Hiroshima or Nagasaki.
No one worried about the Japanese Street or
the German Street. Our worry about the
Arab Street just shows our lack of
seriousness – or a general lack of confidence in
Western Civilization by our
yammering classes – in both parties.
If enemy civilians are more
important than those risking their lives to implement our
policies - in this case defend
ourselves against their suicidal tyranny - then it becomes difficult to make
the case that we believe in our policies.
Which brings us to weapons of war.
Precisions Guided Munitions (smart bombs) are
police weapons, not weapons of war.
In fact, once they have been used on selected high-
value targets which can slow the
execution of the war, such as anti-air batteries, PGMs in fact
hamper the prosecution of war. Once
those high-value targets have been destroyed,
PGMs must go back into the depot
and weapons of war brought out.
Civilians are killed by weapons of
war. Civilian deaths are and must be seen as
unavoidable for the simple fact
that the goals of the enemy society can only be defeated
by defeating their society – not
just its armed policy tool.
This means not just that civilians
can die, it means they must know they will die, must
understand that their deaths will
not be avoided to the detriment of legitimate military
operations. This knowledge must be
real enough to cause them to change their policies –
which is the whole point of the war
in the first place.
In order to win a war, enemy
civilians must occupy a lower rung of importance than the
goal of the war. Otherwise we tell
our soldiers - and theirs - that their civilians are more
important than our soldiers.
Civilian deaths, though not sought after, must be accepted if
doing so means we are making our
policy tool – our military forces – more effective in
accomplishing the political goals
which we are trying to achieve through their use.
In fact, no great effort must be
made to avoid civilian casualties. If civilians are in the
battlespace their loss may be
unfortunate, but not as unfortunate as losing the war.
As long as our enemy knows we will
avoid legitimate military targets, putting our forces
more at risk, in order to avoid
civilian casualties, war cannot be won. It really is that
simple.
If we collapse their society,
destroy their polity, we win. If not, we lose.
We are not in a police action – we
are in a war. The lives of the soldiers of my country
are more important than the lives
of enemy civilians. Targeting the enemy tools of
warfare cannot win a war. Only
targeting the enemy society and polity can.
We can kill the enemy society without incurring any
casualties whatsoever – which is the moral way to fight a war. Causing those brave
enough and committed enough to our values
to die when we can do otherwise is immoral.
Truman understood that sacrificing unnecessarily
perhaps half-a-million Americans in
order to achieve the political aims
of WWII was an immoral and inefficient way to win a
war that was projected to last at
least another two years. The realization caused him to
use nuclear weapons – and avoid
those tremendous costs in lives lost.
The strategy worked, the Japanese
society was crushed, and Japan
has been a democratic
polity and an economic and military
partner for 60 years.
No valid reason exists not to use
nuclear weapons on our enemies, particularly Riyadh
and, if it gets much closer to the
nuclear club, Iran.
From a military standpoint the only
thing that matters is the size of the bang that destroys
the foe. From a political
standpoint, winning the war against this evil will require the
general destruction and collapse of
the societies that breed it, much as killing NAZIsm
required the destruction of the
society that bred it, and killing Imperial Japan required the
collapse of the society that
created it.
It is unserious to speak of
societies or civilians in guiltless terms – to assume that any society is a flock of lambs not responsible for
their government. All societies are responsible for their
government, and all societies can
overthrow their governments. Colonists threw out the
British Empire.
Peasants overthrew Russia.
The Chinese harshness at Tianenman
Square
was because Chinese leaders
understood this fact.
Either we begin to take this war
seriously and win it or it will become too inconvenient
for a modern liberal democracy and
we will lose it, with disastrous consequences for
democracy, liberty, freedom and the
world.
Why we are willing, evidently, to
wait on the detonation of an Iranian bomb before we
use the weapons at our disposal is
unknown and will be dealt with very harshly by future
historians – if the West survives.
And there is no reason – historical,
divine, or other -- to assume that the West, its
liberties, freedoms, science,
technology, advancements across the breadth of human
effort, must survive.
There is no way America and the
EU are going to pony up literally millions of soldiers to
invade and crush this evil ideology
using the tactics of WWII minus the understanding
that the goal is more important
than civilian casualties. WWII would not have been won
under those rules.
Killing the German society and the
Japanese society freed hundreds of millions of people
from tyranny and subjugation.
Killing such a tyrannical, evil enemy is necessary. How
that enemy feels about us is
immaterial.
If we believe in our youth and our
future, our casualties must be minimized.
If we believe in ourselves and in our
traditions, this war must be won.